国际顶刊 | 《比较政治研究》2023年第56卷第10期

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期 刊 介 绍

Comparative Political Studies（CPS，《比较政治研究》）是一个比较政治学者和学生交流思想的国际顶刊之一。期刊刊载的文章包括了全球学者关于比较方法论、理论和研究的创新工作。该刊力图向读者展现全球范围内比较政治研究的全景式画面：从第三世界的民主到中东的文武关系，从东欧的选举制度和政党政治到拉丁美洲的经济表现，从比较北美和西欧的政治庇护到亚洲国家的民族冲突。《比较政治研究》被认为是政治科学中比较政治子领域最为重要的期刊之一。该刊在《科睿唯安 2022 年期刊引用报告》（ClarivateJCR2022）中 JIF=5.0，在 187 种政治科学类（Political Science-SSCI）期刊中排名第 10（Q1）。

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期刊目录

1.Tempering the Taste for Vengeance: Information About Prisoners and Policy Choices in Chile

抑制复仇的欲望：关于囚犯和智利政策选择的信息

2.War-Time Military Service Can Affect Partisan Preferences

战时军事服务可能会影响党派偏好

3.Grammar of Threat: Governance and Order in Public Threats by Criminal Actors

威胁的语法：犯罪分子公共威胁中的治理与秩序

4.Beyond the Myth of Legality? Framing Effects and Public Reactions to High Court Decisions in Europe

超越合法性的神话？欧洲高等法院裁决的框架效应和公众反应

5.What Kind of Democracy Do We All Support? How Partisan Interest Impacts a Citizen’s Conceptualization of Democracy

我们都支持什么样的民主？党派利益如何影响公民的民主观念

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摘要译文

01 抑制复仇的欲望：关于囚犯和智利政策选择的信息

【题目】

Tempering the Taste for Vengeance: Information About Prisoners and Policy Choices in Chile

【作者】

Fernando G. Cafferata, Daniel W. Gingerich, and Carlos Scartascini

【摘要】

美洲的惩罚性打击犯罪政策促使监禁率稳步上升。公民经常要求严厉的惩罚，这使其对政客有吸引力。然而，公众很少了解参与犯罪的背景决定因素。在这篇文章中，我们采用了一项在智利进行的调查实验，以检验监狱人口信息的提供如何影响人们对惩罚性反犯罪政策的偏好。实验组的受访者收到了囚犯受教育程度低的信息。这些信息导致政策偏好发生了重大变化。负责在固定预算下分配资源给反犯罪政策的受试者，与对照组的受访者相比，实验组的受试者将20%至50%的资源分配给面向社会的反犯罪政策(相对于惩罚性政策)，并且降低了对“铁腕执法”的支持。我们的研究结果表明，向公民提供信息可能会改变美洲的政策平衡。

Punitive anti-crime policies in the Americas have contributed to steadily increasing rates of incarceration. Harsh penalties are often demanded by citizens, making them attractive to politicians. Yet the contextual determinants of participation in crime are rarely understood by the public. In this article, we employ a survey experiment conducted in Chile in order to examine how the provision of information about the prison population shapes tastes for punitive anti-crime policies. Respondents in the treatment group received information about the low educational attainment of prisoners. This information led to substantial changes in policy preferences. Tasked with allocating resources to anti-crime policies using a fixed budget, treated respondents assigned between 20% and 50% more to socially oriented anti-crime policies (relative to punitive policies) than respondents in the control group, and they reduced their support for “iron fist” policing. Our findings suggest that providing information to citizens might change the policy equilibrium in the Americas.

02 战时军事服务可能会影响党派偏好

【题目】

War-Time Military Service Can Affect Partisan Preferences

【作者】

Anna Getmansky and Chagai M. Weiss

【摘要】

战时军事服务会影响党派偏好吗？我们认为，军事服务会增加战争的显著和潜在成本。因此，在管理不善的战争中服役的士兵将把执政党与无能联系在一起，并不太可能在将来支持执政党。为了验证我们的论点，我们分析了几乎50年的以色列国家选举研究数据。采用回归不连续设计，我们发现，与那些年轻得无法在约姆·基普尔战争中服役的受访者相比，刚好年龄足够服役的受访者在战争结束后仍然对工党表示更低的支持。这种影响可能源自士兵不愿支持他们认为在安全方面很无能的政党。我们进一步表明，军事服务的负面影响在管理良好的战争中不会出现，从而为有关战争政治后果和态度形成的文献做出了贡献。

Does war-time military service affect partisan preferences? We argue that military service increases the salience and potential costs of war. Therefore, soldiers who serve during mismanaged wars will associate the ruling party with incompetence and be less likely to support the ruling party in the future. To test our argument, we analyze almost 50 years of Israel National Election Studies. Employing a regression discontinuity design, we show that compared with respondents who were too young to serve in the Yom Kippur war, respondents just old enough to serve report lower support for the Labor party well after the war ended. This effect is likely driven by soldiers’ unwillingness to support a party they associate with security incompetence. We further show that the negative effect of military service does not materialize in well-managed wars, contributing to the literature on the political consequences of war and attitude formation.

03 威胁的语法：犯罪分子公共威胁中的治理与秩序

【题目】

Grammar of Threat: Governance and Order in Public Threats by Criminal Actors

【作者】

Pedro C. Magalhães, Jon K. Skiple, Miguel M. Pereira, Sveinung Arnesen, and Henrik L. Bentsen

【摘要】

为什么犯罪分子公开展示威胁信息？对有组织犯罪的研究强调，犯罪行为者依赖秘密的影响力网络。微妙或编码的威胁是扩大影响力的有效手段，但公开这些威胁似乎会削弱其主要优势。我们认为，公开的威胁传播了一种想象中的秩序，描绘了谁在刑事控制下的社会中有一席之地，以及谁没有一席之地。为了证明这一论点，我们构建了一个“威胁语法”，并用它来分析四个犯罪行为者广播的公共威胁：两个在哥伦比亚，两个在墨西哥。分析表明，每个群体都通过他们的威胁来投射秩序，但想象的秩序因群体而异。有些命令更明显是意识形态的；有些更本地化或更广泛。这些发现突出了沟通在刑事治理中的重要作用，沟通不同于暴力，但往往与暴力结合在一起。

Why do criminal actors publicly display threatening messages? Studies of organized crime emphasize that criminal actors rely on clandestine networks of influence. Subtle or coded threats are an effective means of extending that influence, but publicizing these threats appears to undermine their chief advantage. We argue that publicized threats broadcast an imagined order, delineating who has a place in society under criminal control, and who does not. To demonstrate this argument, we construct a “grammar of threat” and use this to analyze public threats broadcast by four criminal actors: two groups in Colombia and two in Mexico. The analysis demonstrates that every group projects an order through their threats, but that the order imagined varies by group. Some orders are more clearly ideological; some are more localized or more expansive. These findings highlight the important role of communication—distinct from but often combined with violence—in criminal governance.

04 超越合法性的神话？欧洲高等法院裁决的框架效应和公众反应

【题目】

Beyond the Myth of Legality? Framing Effects and Public Reactions to High Court Decisions in Europe

【作者】

Anna Getmansky and Chagai M. Weiss

【摘要】

人们如何应对高等法院的不同决策过程？一种长期存在的观点认为，公民希望法院成为法律争议的中立仲裁者。尽管这种“合法性神话”的相关性受到了质疑，但我们对法院和法官动机的描述与大陆法系国家公众态度之间的关系知之甚少。我们在挪威和葡萄牙的两个实验中探讨了这个问题，我们将不同制度框架的影响与结果的有利性分离开来。我们发现，虽然党派框架不利于公平观念和对决策的接受，但与法律框架相比，强调政策目标的司法决策描述不会对公民的反应产生不利影响。研究结果表明，即使在民法体系中，维护合法性神话也可能不是获得公众对司法裁决支持的必要条件。

How do people respond to different decision-making processes in high courts? One long-standing view suggests that citizens expect courts to be neutral arbiters of legal controversies. Although the relevance of such “myth of legality” has been challenged, we know very little about the relationship between the portrayals of the motives of courts and justices and public attitudes in civil law countries. We explore this question in a pair of experiments in Norway and Portugal where we isolate the effects of different institutional frames from outcome favorability. We find that while partisan frames are detrimental to fairness perceptions and acceptance of decisions, depictions of judicial decision-making that emphasize policy goals do not adversely affect citizens’ responses in comparison with legalistic frames. The results suggest that, even in civil law systems, preserving the myth of legality may not be a necessary condition to elicit public support for judicial decisions.

05 我们都支持什么样的民主？党派利益如何影响公民的民主观念

【题目】

What Kind of Democracy Do We All Support? How Partisan Interest Impacts a Citizen’s Conceptualization of Democracy

【作者】

James D. Bryan

【摘要】

尽管民主在过去十年中出现了一波又一波的倒退，但大多数全球公民仍然声称支持民主。另一方面，当他们喜欢的政治一方能够受益时，许多公民会更加支持具体的反民主行动。那么，公民如何用他们对实施自由民主的更具可塑性的支持来证明他们一贯的“明确支持民主”？本文使用了来自74个国家的跨国家调查数据和两种方法——标准横断面分析和国内变异设计——来表明公民对民主的概念化，或者民主对他们意味着什么，是受党派动机的推理。换言之，当他们喜欢的政党执政时，公民更有可能用不自由的术语来概念化民主，比如强调服从权威的必要性。研究结果表明，一个人的民主观念可以是一种流动的态度，公民可以根据自己的意愿来塑造这种态度。研究结果表明，一个人的民主概念可以是一种流动的态度，公民可以根据自己的党派私利来塑造这种态度。

Despite waves of democratic backsliding over the last decade, most global citizens still claim to support democracy. On the other hand, many citizens become more supportive of specific anti-democratic actions when their preferred political side can benefit. How, then, do citizens justify their consistent “explicit support for democracy” with their more malleable support for the implementation of liberal democracy? This paper uses cross-national survey data from 74 countries and two methods—a standard cross-sectional analysis and a within-country variation design—to show that a citizen’s conceptualization of democracy, or what democracy means to them, is subject to partisan-motivated reasoning. In other words, citizens are more likely to conceptualize democracy in illiberal terms, like emphasizing the need for obeying authority, when their preferred political party is in power. The findings suggest one’s conception of democracy can be a fluid attitude that citizens mold to match their partisan self-interest.

翻  译：李征宇

校  对：周嘉豪

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编辑：冉芷箐

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